Category: Collaborative

  • Interpreting the Artificial

    Interpreting the Artificial

    Nina Friars and Netra Hankins produce an art journal that deconstructs the artificially constructed.


    A GUIDE TO READING THIS JOURNAL

    We implore our readers not to go through the world complacently. We encourage our readers to not mindlessly consume, but instead, to actively question and critically re-evaluate what is deemed objective. Society has developed in a way that particular understandings of the world which inform our reality have been naturalised past the point of questioning. However, such understandings are merely social constructions rather than empirical truths. The purpose of this journal is to dismantle an array of social constructs to expose them for what they really are as opposed to what they have been conditioned to us as.

    Ultimately, we urge you to create your own thoughts and captain your own narrative.


    DISCLAIMER: While we are exposing what is socially constructed, we are not denying that such constructs have social meaning and/or real life implications.



    THE DREAM – PABLO PICASSO


    As human beings, we have come to realise the value of learning and education. Our modern world seeks knowledge and inextricably ties such knowledge with power. Within the realm of academia (albeit a privileged sphere as not everyone has access to education), educational institutions give validity to particular, structured ways of learning as well as closely monitor and control the academic journals, articles and textbooks students are to digest. Further, students are limited in terms of the academic language they are to use and the sources they can cite. 

    Academia values ‘correctness’, grammar, punctuation and discredits work that fails to be produced in accordance with its rigid structures.

    While we understand that such structure may be necessary in certain contexts, it is nonetheless important to recognise the way in which academia undermines ‘unworthy’ use of language and sources of knowledge, and how doing so delegitimises avenues of learning that are still useful to its students, e.g., tv shows, movies and real life experiences.

    Academic language in and of itself excludes those who may speak in a different vernacular (such as African-American Vernacular English) on the basis that they do not express themselves in the preferred tongue of colonisers – ‘Queen’s English’. But why should ‘colloquial’ language have less weight and value when constructing an academic argument? Why is ‘sophisticated’ language a more legitimate and reputable means of getting a point across?

    This journal works to undermine the cookie cutter way of learning that we are familiarised with. Each topic covered in this journal is accompanied by a piece of art that adds interpretive value to the provided text. It is ultimately up to you to discover the meaning within the art in how it best fits your own understanding of our proposed views. This is a journey; one that pushes you to unapologetically fight the norm of learning in strictly organised formats. This is valuable. This is your story just as much as it is ours. 


    FROM THE EXHIBITION: DIRTY KNEES – KATIE SO

    Race is not a natural phenomenon, essence, or fixed identity. Rather, it has been created within social spheres; an invention not of nature but of our social institutions and practices. More importantly, race has been socially constructed by individuals in positions of power who have interpreted physical difference as possessing inherent meaning. 

    Our modern concept of race emerged, in part, due to the general growth of scientific enquiry and using science to explain the unknown. An aspect of this enlightenment project was preoccupied with attempting to categorise and organise human groups; race did not exist until the necessity for classification prevailed. However, during this development, those who engaged in research to codify race were themselves stained with racial bias and prejudice – their research born from confirmation bias to discern a hierarchical system of race that is a product of social thought.

    The search for an explanation pedestalizing certain races over others was not founded upon data or empirical evidence, but informed by the worldview that minorities rightfully rested at the bottom of the political hierarchy.

    Naturalising social differences by establishing faux biological and fundamental disparities between races provides a platform to discriminate and justify oppressive treatment of minorities. The biological became the cause and explanation for the social. 

    Ultimately, race is an unstable formation and system of categorisation that is constantly challenged but still has serious consequences on those who are radicalised. Race exists as a concrete lived reality for many and impacts lives on a multitude of levels. In exploring biracial Identities which fail to fit within exclusive categories of race (black/white binary), we can recognise how such identities affirm race as a social construction as well as work to destabilise racial binaries. The way society understands race, in terms of black and white and with reference to different types of human bodies, simply does not work for mixed-race individuals as they exist in the grey area; the in-between. Racial categorisation maintains power and meaning solely via perceivable difference and for biracial bodies, this difference is difficult to discern. Thus, race as a social construct is undermined through its inability to account for mixed race identities that cannot be so easily or objectively categorised. 


    WATSON – KIM LEUTWYLER

    Gender differences have been predominantly seen as a biological, fundamental, enduring and innate part of us that is incapable of change. From this stems the gender binary; a mainstream concept that is enforced in society. However, this binary does not hold. 

    It would be an overwhelming simplification to claim that the world falls neatly into two categories in terms of sex. While there are dominant patterns, there ultimately exists a plethora of individuals who fail to comfortably fit into the binary of male or female (whether this is because of chromosomal differences or being intersex). Gender is not biological but a social construction formed through socialisation in line with gender norms. There is no gender untouched by the social. No fixed truth of what gender is or should be. Gender is performative. We are not a gendered subject before enacting the norms of gender. In other words, gender is something one does rather than something one is.

    We are socialised through naming practices, forms of dress, types of toys we are given as well as the encouragement of certain behaviours. In this sense, one is not born a woman but rather one becomes a woman through a process whereby they acquire feminine traits and learn feminine behaviour for example.


    A ROOSTER AND A COUPLE – HARUNOBU  SUZUKI

    Love is a product of social conditions; a social construction established by men for the benefit of men and to the detriment of women. This takes its roots within the embedded structure of household wives during an era where women were not allowed work. Women were chained to the confines of loving within the home – sharing this love with only their children and husbands. Meanwhile, men were granted the freedom to explore alternative endeavours; whether this be their careers, hobbies or educational pursuits. Love was subsequently a mechanism etched into the world for women to try and escape the harshness of their limited reality. A reality that is sexist. A reality that supports the patriarchal power imbalance. 

    Love, for women, requires everything within them – the total devotion of soul and body. Women are abstractly taught to abandon themselves in the process of love. This is not the case for men, who recognised that by exploiting women’s utter devotion to love thereby created space for men to accept love in the form of reprieve and rest. The entire abdication of self in the process of love is the result of a male dominated construction that serves to repress women for the comfort of man. 


    PROTECTION – ELIZABETH MENGES

    Marriage is a social construct which has been utilised as a mechanism for economic efficiency and productivity in a capitalist society. While the connotations of marriage have developed over time, it is undeniable that the aspects of love and unity have clouded the practical, legal and financial implications of marriage that embed it inextricably within society. As a result of this, it is imperative that the concepts of marriage and love are not conflated as synonymous with each other. 

    In conjunction with the concept of marriage is the contemporary concept of a family. A family that lives in isolation from their community is predominantly a colonialist model of society. It was once (and remains this way in many cultures) commonplace for families to share the responsibility of raising children among all the adults in a community. This came from a place of communal love and an understanding that survival relies on the passing down of knowledge and experience.

    Through exposing children to more adult figures who care for them, they are ultimately exposed to a wider breadth of learning and sources of information, thus increasing their chances of thriving in their surroundings. This was beneficial for everyone. However, the rise of capitalism realised that productivity arises not from community but from greed and self-serving agendas. The development of the standard four person family (a father, mother and two children) which was responsible for only their own survival supplemented this selfish mindset. A mindset that propagates working harder, longer, and more tediously to supply a good lifestyle for those you care about. In order for this system to sustain itself, marriage was a necessary mechanism to codify the responsibilities that heterosexual couples owe only to each other and to their children. 

    This model actively rejects the existence of homosexual couples which is aided by the social stigmatisation and oppression brewed from its depths. Couples who cannot produce biological children are of little value in a capitalist model that derives its success from monetary productivity. Couples who cannot produce biological children break the chain of breeding workers who will acquiescently abide by capitalist norms and way of life. Thus, the rejection and oppression of homosexuality in part stems from it’s lack of long term utility in a society that values only economic efficiency; which is further manifested in the active hesitation to recognise homosexual rights, specifically the right to marriage.


    DEVILISH CHARM – POLLY NOR

    Discourses around fatness are not only shaped by biomedicine, but also by society’s value judgments. Such discourse establishes fat bodies as synonymous with an unhealthy body, however, there is no objective measurement to determine that fatness necessarily equates to a greater risk of ill health or disease. Society effectively renders fatness as deviant and unhealthy whereas thinness is privileged and the epitome of health. This is simply untrue as it is perfectly possible for an individual to have a fat body (as deemed by society) but be fitter and healthier than someone with a thin body. Further, it is possible for a thin body to be unhealthy. Thus, ideas of fatness are not only shaped by biomedical discourse but are heavily informed by the glorification of thinness in society and the stigmatisation of fatness. Ultimately, fatness and its link to health can be interpreted as a social, morally regulated  phenomenon and not just an objectively unhealthy physical state.


    CONTEXT

    The Dream – While today, Picasso is hailed as a genius, when the public first began encountering his artwork in the early 1900s, they often didn’t know what to make of it. Several art critics of the era wrote scathing reviews of Picasso’s artistic talents, labelling his art as “degenerate”.

    Dirty Knees – “Dirty Knees” is a visual arts exhibition exploring mixed-race identities. The title of the show is a reference to the old playground rhyme (“Chinese/ Japanese/ Dirty knees/ Look at these!”) and deals with the complexities of internalised racism as well as the difficulty of establishing an identity that is overlooked by linear definitions of race and heritage. Katie So draws from the concept of duality in her work to help her better understand what it means to be of mixed race . 

    Watson – Leutwyler challenges traditional depictions of gender and gender norms by re-defining gender identity through depictions of the body. Leutwyler questions traditionally feminine and masculine ideals to blur boundaries.

    A Rooster and a Couple – In 1767, Harunobu Suzuki, a Japanese designer of woodblock print art, created this print titled Niwatori to Danjo (鶏と男女) which translates to ‘a rooster and a couple.’ It depicts a male and female couple who are looking forward to spending a long, fun night with each other. And to ensure they’re not woken up early they’ve brought out a pot of sake and are trying to get the rooster so drunk that it doesn’t crow in the morning.

    Protection – Menges’ series of paintings explores the tension between two people bound together by marriage.

    Devilish Charm – Polly Nor draws “women and their demons”. Her art mainly focuses on the themes of female identity and self esteem in the 21st century.


    This piece was awarded the Editor’s Choice Award in the St Andrew’s College Collaborative Writing Competition 2021.



    Image: Pexels

  • Football and Politics in the Gulf

    Football and Politics in the Gulf

    George Bright and Tommy Go discuss the increasing interest in football in the Gulf states and examine some of the political issues that arise from this.

    Introduction 

    In the last fifteen years, football has become of increasing interest to the oil-rich nations of the Persian Gulf. The reasons behind this sudden, perturbing interest have been reported as projects of passion and goodwill or a left field option of diversifying these country’s financial portfolios. Perhaps the most intriguing lens with which to view the current landscape is considering the use of football as a political tool, and the proceeding response of its primary governing bodies. In this article, we will unpack two key examples which demonstrate how this can manifest. 

    The 2022 World Cup 

    The 2022 FIFA World Cup has put the spotlight on Qatar and its oil-rich Gulf neighbours. What was once the crown jewel of world football has been heavily marred in controversy. Initially, public discussion centred around widespread corruption at the highest levels of FIFA that led to Qatar being announced as the winning bid. In the decade since however, the conversation has taken a darker tone. Details of the kafala system of employment practiced by the Gulf Nations have become available to a global audience of football fans, journalists and governing bodies. 

    With these new findings, a host of alleged breaches of human rights has arisen surrounding workers employed under the kafala system. The Guardian UK reported in March 2021 that 6,500 migrant workers from the Indian subcontinent have now died in Qatar since the winning bid was announced. FIFA is facing increasing pressure to take an active stance against the current practices from fans, non-government organisations such as Amnesty International and most recently members of its own smaller constituent nations. FIFA is yet to take any such action. 

    Politics and sport have long been a part of an uneasily one-sided relationship. Whether it’s scoring victories over international political rivals, allowing exemptions for sport to return during a pandemic or simply using sporting associations to improve public image, sport and politics have always been and will always be intertwined. The uneasiness of the situation comes from fans and sporting governing bodies’ unwillingness to acknowledge this relationship. Both parties flinch at apparent connections and promote the idea of sport existing as a separate entity, isolated from external contributions. 

    This apathy for political involvement in sport is motivated by both emotion and finance. Publicly, the lopsided commitment to keep politics out of sport has justified FIFA’s decision to remain passive in challenging the governments of the Gulf Nations to improve the standard of living for their migrant workforce. As football’s global governing body, FIFA does not have a direct responsibility to improve the wellbeing of lives around the world, including those of these workers. After all, it is an organisation that oversees football at an international level and is intent not to be seen as any more. 

    It is also an organization which in 2018 after the Russia World Cup announced an annual revenue of $4.6 billion USD. FIFA possesses the global clout and financial leverage to become an active, positive global citizen. The 2022 World Cup will be the ultimate example of its refusal to do so. 

    Whilst Qatar has been the subject of the majority of public criticism of the kafala system, it is far from the only country in the region to implement it. The system is employed by all nations of the Gulf Cooperation Council of which Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates are both prominent members. Under the system, employees are contracted to state owned companies and emigrate from developing countries such as India, Bangladesh and Pakistan having been promised paid work. Upon arrival however, workers are escorted to labour camps which serve as their new home, passports are confiscated and they are put to work in the brutal daytime conditions of the Sinai peninsula. 

    Remittance contributes heavily to the GDP of most of the countries whose workers are targeted. As such, native government intervention is minimal. These employees are now trapped. Unable to earn enough money to escape their contracts, unable to change jobs under the laws of the kafala system and are tied by the constant burden in sending their payslip to their families back in their home. 

    Since the global spotlight has turned on Qatar, gaining employment there is now considered to be advantageous when compared to its neighbouring countries. Qatar has been pressured into making a number of positive reforms including allowing workers to seek new employment as of August 2020. These reforms have been praised and used as evidence by FIFA that it can remain passive and still have a positive impact globally. This stance ignores the work that still could and should be done both in Qatar and its neighbouring states. 

    Involvement in European Club Football 

    In 2008, Manchester City became the first football club to become state owned when they were purchased by the Abu Dhabi United Group, owned by Sheikh Mansour, Deputy Prime Minister and leading member of the UAE Royal Family. In 2011, French Club Paris Saint Germain (PSG) became the second, bought by Qatar Sports Investments. The subsequent spending and image of buying success led fans to question the values of the sport’s structure as a whole and governing bodies reacted with new financial regulations placed on clubs. Since then, European football has become the arena for club battles for off field relevancy, governing bodies such as UEFA (who oversee European national and international club competitions) have been challenged for control and the sport has become a proxy for international political feuds.

    Under its new ownership, Manchester City immediately began spending record amounts of money. They broke the English record transfer fee upon arrival, spent over £100m on players before the following season and in 2011 announced an annual loss of £197m. With this spending came success and in 2012, Manchester City won its first Premier League title. The success of the club was reported by the UAE as a good news story, transforming a middling club in a largely working class city into English champions and Champions League perennials. Playing an attractive brand of football, the club has now won a further three titles and its Abu Dhabi owners have continued to cultivate goodwill. 

    The UAE has been accused of using this positive public image to deflect from accusations of human rights abuses, particularly surrounding its involvement with the Saudi Arabian led military intervention into Yemen which worsened a “humanitarian catastrophe” in the region according to the UN. The process dubbed “sportswashing” was described by Amnesty International as a brazen attempt to repair the country’s “deeply tarnished image”. 

    UEFA responded to the massive losses being accrued by implementing Financial Fair Play rules prior to the 2011-12 season, with aims to improve the overall financial health of European clubs and restrict what was described as “financial doping”. The controversial rules have largely restricted new owners from operating in the same fashion as those of Manchester City and PSG, but in the cases of these clubs appear to have had little more than an aesthetic effect. Internal emails leaked in 2018 reported numerous counts of sponsorship deals being inflated or secretly funded by their respective state owners. According to the leaks reported in German publication Der Spiegel, instead of accepting sanctions, Manchester City threatened legal action against UEFA that would send the organization bankrupt. An email allegedly sent by the club’s lawyer stated CEO Khaldoon Al Mubarak would prefer to “spend 30 million on the 50 best lawyers in the world to sue them for the next 10 years”. Manchester City did face a 2 year ban from UEFA for their financial management between 2012 and 2016, a decision which the club appealed resulting in a legal battle in the Court of Arbitration for Sport. After substantial evidence was ruled to be time-barred by UEFA’s own regulations, the 2-year ban was overturned and City were left with only a fine for failing to cooperate with UEFA’s investigation. The result has left many questioning UEFA’s influence as a governing body. 

    The UAE and Qatar are not the only Gulf Cooperation Council members with interests in European Football. Last year, Saudi Arabia attempted to turn Newcastle United into the third state owned club. The proposal was met with an outcry of vocal opposition including from Hatice Cengiz, fiance of journalist Jamal Khashoggi who had been murdered on the orders of crown prince Mohammed bin Salman 18 months earlier. Examples such as the aforementioned execution, involvement in Yemen and oppression of women’s rights in the nation were raised as reasons for the Premier League to block the proposed deal. 

    The bid failed to pass the Premier League’s owners and directors test and was blocked, but none of the above issues were cited as motives. Instead, the Saudi Arabian government’s failure to address widespread illegal broadcasting of Premier League games within the country. BeIN Sports, a Qatar state owned company owns the Premier League, Champions League and Formula 1 broadcasting rights for the Middle East and North Africa region. After Saudi Arabia severed diplomatic ties to Qatar in 2017, pay television company beoutQ was established and began providing pirated streams of beIN broadcast overlaid with the beoutQ on air logo. In September 2020, beIN announced it would not bid to renew its rights to broadcast German Bundesliga matches citing piracy as “crippling the market”, this is what matters to the Premier League. 

    Reflections 

    The recent interest in football from the Gulf States has come with unprecedented amounts of monetary investment and an increased scrutiny on governing bodies to value morality over finance. On the field, a football game lasts for 90 minutes. Off it, is a perpetual game to remain relevant and successful at the highest level. There are new players in the game now, pushing traditional boundaries and testing the sports limits. How football’s governing bodies react will determine the landscape of the next round.

    References and further resources

    Kafala, Human Rights and The World Cup:

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2koW6iiiNxc&list=PLWYJXDKS21OEOqqF6-3E1vQXUrkL_UuoQ&index=3&ab_channel=TifoFootball

    https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/campaigns/2016/03/qatar-world-cup-of-shame/ 

    https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2021/feb/23/revealed-migrant-worker-deaths-qatar-fifa-world-cup-2022 

    https://www.hrw.org/news/2020/09/24/qatar-significant-labor-and-kafala-reforms 

    https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/press-release/2021/03/qatar-fifa-must-act-on-labour-abuses-as-world-cup-qualifiers-kick-off/ 

    https://www.theguardian.com/football/blog/2021/mar/25/qatar-world-cup-moral-compass-norwegian-clubs-players 

    Financial investment and international confilcts:

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZcuRKJ_Fj3Q&list=PLWYJXDKS21OEOqqF6-3E1vQXUrkL_UuoQ&index=2&ab_channel=TifoFootball 

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pZLrqa63518&list=PLWYJXDKS21OGHqORDlk4gIwvoLXRx8bYl&index=56&ab_channel=TifoFootball 

    https://theathletic.com/1854065/2020/06/08/saudi-arabia-piracy-tv-rights-premier-league-newcastle-united/?article_source=search&search_query=saudi%20deal 

    https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Saudi_Arabian-led_intervention_in_Yemen 

    https://www.news9live.com/sports/what-is-financial-doping-in-football-everything-you-need-to-know-45241.html#:~:text=Any%20franchise%20that%20borrows%20or,financially%20weak%20clubs%20to%20suffer

    https://www.theguardian.com/football/2020/feb/14/leaked-emails-and-invoices-led-to-manchester-city-ban-from-champions-league-europe-uefa 

    https://apnews.com/article/171b8eae53ea475e9a29569497f144f8 

    New articles published since ours was written:

    https://www.business-humanrights.org/en/latest-news/qatar-2022-world-cup-fifa-responds-to-call-from-european-football-associations-to-ensure-human-rights-are-respected-ahead-of-tournament/ 

    https://theathletic.com/2808767/2021/09/08/explained-qatar-world-cup-protests-will-teams-boycott-the-competition-how-have-fifa-reacted-what-happens-next/?article_source=search&search_query=norway%20boycott 

    Some recent updates from closer to home:

    https://www.amnesty.org.au/sportswashing-and-australian-football/ 

    https://www.abc.net.au/4corners/a-league-of-their-own/13560154 



    Image: Pexels

  • How to Build a Bridge

    How to Build a Bridge

    Jules Vahl and Akin Brown reflect on their educational experiences, through the fictional persona of Miro. In doing so, they provide a penetrating insight into the heart of the education system, both in Australia and New Zealand.

    Authors’ Note: This article tells the story of Miro. As you read it, reflect on your own educational experiences, and your definition of what it means to be ‘educated’. 

    Monday. 8.30am. A frosty morning in Christchurch. Miro is attending their first day of school. It’s a daunting experience moving into a school with 600 students. A shock to the system for all the pre-primary students starting their journey through the school system. 

    Miro settles in easily enough and finds that weeks pass by effortlessly. They get into a routine: they start the day with writing classes and finish it learning Maths. Throughout the rest of the day Miro learns about a range of topics: the structure of honeycomb; the basics of Māori; the building of bridges. 

    Miro’s teachers focus on helping the class of 25 to read and write. The class would write weekly summaries of their activities. Miro would drag their parents out to the New Brighton pier for some local fish and chips so that they had something to write about for that week’s reflection. Sometimes Miro forgets to write their weekly reflections and the teacher doesn’t catch them out. 

    Miro’s parents one day get a call from their Australian relatives. Miro and their cousins hijack the conversation to regale each other with stories from school. Miro is surprised to hear that their cousins aren’t learning about the native flora of Mt. Cook but are instead visiting the Australian Parliament House in Canberra as part of their study of Government. 

    But Miro’s cousins become jealous when they hear about Miro’s year 6 ‘bridge building’ project. Miro’s group designed their own miniature Golden Gate Bridge that won the prize for best in the class.

    As Miro enters high school, they find it slightly different, but not overly difficult. They finally have a structured day – but Miro would trade the organised day for the primary system in a heartbeat if they never had to hear “the mitochondria is the powerhouse of the cell” again. 

    At the end of Year 8, Miro’s parents are offered well-paying jobs in Sydney. Miro will move to a private high school and is looking forward to seeing what surprises await them. 

    Miro didn’t anticipate how rigorously standardised the Australian system was. They are intimidated by the innumerable hoops to jump through, the marks to get, the intense competition at their school of over 1000 students. Weekly tests? Yep. Two sets of formal exams per year? Yep. A very heavy curriculum and workload? Yep. Choosing what they learn? No. Learning vocational skills? Definitely not. 

    At the same time, Miro’s new school puts their previous vocational education under the microscope. Every knowledge gap, every small defect is detected, and addressed. Miro begins to enjoy the aesthetic of pen and paper, the depth of intellectual discussion with teachers, the treasures of the Canon, and the very antithesis of practicality: ancient languages. 

    With the aid of the classics, Miro finds power in their newfound ability to analyse and interpret literature. To recognise not only when people use the wrong “your” or spell the plural days of the week with an apostrophe (Mondays vs Monday’s), but also Conrad’s ideas about human nature in Heart of Darkness, or Orwell’s in Nineteen Eighty-Four. Never before had their eyes been so opened to the wonders of the abstract, philosophical world. How different it was from New Zealand! Here they build bridges in the brain, not in the real world. 

    However, Miro does find shortcomings with traditional liberal education. They have no unstructured time: every hour of the day is cluttered with activities. Homework and the exigencies of exams are stressful. Competitiveness drives a toxic culture of academic superiority. There is a belief in being ‘too posh’ for vocational subjects. Questions like, “When are we going to use this in the real world?” start flooding back into Miro’s mind. There is a tug-of-war occurring between two very different sets of values, and Miro is not sure which set will win. 

    Year 12 is a defining year for Miro. The HSC is all-consuming, but one thing tradition has taught them is time-management and efficiency. With standardised tests, discipline and skill count in equal measure. There are certainly times, in the midst of looming deadlines and assessments, where Miro wishes vainly that they had stayed in New Zealand and avoided all this. But by the time they finish their experience, Miro can appreciate the challenge that the HSC posed to them, and is proud of their resilience. Traditional education, despite its faults, has opened new doors, unlocked new skills, and prepared Miro for their next phase of study: tertiary education. 

    Miro steps onto the University of Sydney’s campus for the first time in Welcome Week. They’re no longer in an environment where they know everyone’s name: with 60,000 people studying here it’ll be an achievement to remember but a few! Miro’s first impressions of the University are amplified by the first-year Geosciences class held in the Seymour Centre. They’re excited to Major in Geosciences, and their Bachelor of Science also allowed them to pick up a Minor in Latin. The smaller class size makes Miro comfortable and welcome…even as a Kiwi. Unfortunately the dragging two-hour lectures given in geosciences are causing Miro to fall behind and into the gaps, something they know all too well will come back to bite them… 

    Miro’s story invites us to consider several questions about what it means to be ‘educated’: Do we use more vocational or traditional education skills in day-to-day life? Should one system be preferred to the other? What should students value as part of their educational experience? Can we forge a middle ground between vocational and educational systems? 

    It’s an age old question: would you rather know how to change a tire, or write an essay? File a tax return, or learn about history? 

    Miro’s story illustrates the tension between vocational and traditional education skills. They find vocational skills more practically and physically stimulating, whereas their traditional skills are more intellectually stimulating. Sure, Miro might use more vocational skills in their adult life, but where else would they get the opportunity to develop their skills in literary analysis, philosophy, and politics if not at school? Day-to-day life is rife with challenges that demand both vocational and traditional skills. These days, some vocational skills can be taught at the click of a button, whereas traditional skills take years of training to perfect. 

    This is not to say that one skill set is more important than the other: each skill set, whether vocational or traditional, arises at some point in one’s life. Miro’s own story, which blends traditional passions with vocational applications, is a prime example of this. Since vocation and tradition are equally important to Miro, how should these schools of thought compromise? Should one system be preferred to the other? 

    Comparing the Australian and New Zealand education systems can offer some useful insights. New Zealand primary school operates under an inquiry-based learning structure where students or teachers pose a question to the class and they embark on answering that question. This provides curious students with critical thinking skills that appropriately prepare them for high school. Recall Miro’s experience building bridges. Although not academic in the traditional sense, Miro learnt about practical applications of concepts such as triangulation. The inquiry model allows for a smooth transition into high school in NZ. 

    High school itself in NZ offers its students many pathways to success, including ones that don’t involve tertiary education. By contrast, the Australian system, in its rigour, takes a more targeted approach to encouraging their students to pursue tertiary education. The Australian system offers an avenue of academia to Miro that wasn’t entirely present beforehand. However, Miro misses the practical aspects of a more vocational approach. Clearly, both systems have their advantages, but does one address the student’s values more than the other? 

    Remember Miro’s passion for Latin: would they have had the same opportunity to pursue their interest in the New Zealand system? No, but there is the opportunity to develop practical life skills in the NZ system. The Australian system seems to prepare Miro for tertiary education more than the NZ system, but is Miro learning what they want to learn? The inquiry-based learning model allowed Miro to explore their own ideas in a way that the Australian primary system does not accomodate. But as we saw, Miro would struggle to engage in their love for Latin at an NZ institution. 

    A traditional approach can give Miro a broad brushstroke of knowledge across subject areas, allowing Miro to make an informed decision concerning where they see their trajectory in education. A NZ style of education can provide a similar breadth of knowledge but not in the same depth. However, Miro can now decide if, in fact, a vocation is more suited to them. For the average learner this helps them in understanding where their future lies, but for students like Miro who seek specialised subjects like Latin, the vocational approach leaves them lacking. 

    The diversity of educational systems present in Australia and NZ today is a testament to the complexity of the issues raised by Miro’s story. Whether an integrated system of vocation and tradition will emerge is a question for the politicians of tomorrow. However, our advice to all the Miros is as follows: keep building bridges.

    Whether they be made out of cardboard, steel or synapses, bridges mean progress. Bridges mean connection. Bridges mean education.

    This piece was entered in the St Andrew’s College Collaborative Writing Competition 2021.



    Image: Pexels

  • Makarrata

    Makarrata

    In recognition of NAIDOC Week, Malcolm Ward and Finn Ball produce one of the most challenging reads ever published on Drew’s News, discussing Makarrata and the broader treatment of First Nations peoples in Australia.

    This article is presented as a work in progress … just like Makarrata.

    We encourage you to form your own opinion and act on your own volition.

    New Year’s Eve 2020: Australian Prime Minister Scott Morrison proudly announces that the national anthem Advance Australia Fair is being revamped. This simple change from young to one is an attempt to create a spirit of unity, paying tribute to the long history of Australia’s First Nations peoples [1,2], the oldest continuous cultures in the world [3].

    [1] Indigenous? Aboriginal? First Nations? Collective terms … what do I want to use/feel comfortable with? 

    Pick one and stick with it.

    [2] Always pluralise – refer to UNDRIP for this. There were over 500 First Nations.

    [3] Civilisation? See Bruce Pascoe’s Dark Emu.

    March 2021: The Union Jack soaked in the blood of its conquered territories – raising awareness of the massacres of First Nations peoples during colonisation. This piece of artwork titled ‘Union Flag’, proposed by Spanish artist Santiago Sierra for Hobart’s often controversial winter festival Dark Mofo, called for Australia’s First Nations peoples to donate their own blood for the project.

    These two events are reflective of the ongoing fight for justice for Australia’s First Nations peoples, calling into question what it truly means to be an Australian. Whilst both the government and Dark Mofo organisers were well-intentioned, these events contradict the Australian ethos of mateship and the ‘fair go’. Scott Morrison neglected to consult First Nations peoples before changing the national anthem. His decision has been criticised as tokenistic and merely placating the growing ‘Change the Date’ movement [4]. Dark Mofo organisers received significant public backlash for glorifying the gore and violence of colonisation and for failing to make any meaningful contribution to aid against the continued plight of First Nations peoples.

    [4] January 26th marks the beginning of hundreds of years of suffering and inequality.

    This conflict calls into question what it truly means to be an Australian. Do Australians belong to Australia as a country, or the Australian nation? Country or nation … is there a difference?

    A country is defined as a distinct territorial body or a political entity. Australian citizens have Australian birth certificates and passports. A nation is a community of people formed on the basis of a common language, history and culture. Whilst nations are more overtly political than ethnic groups, they are often embedded in shared ethnicity. These two definitions have such substantial overlap that they are used interchangeably when referring to a group of people [5]. However, this is not the case in Australia. Geographically, we are united as a country [6] but socially, there are significant divides between white Australians and First Nations communities … and therefore, divides between nations [7].

    [5] Sourced from Wikipedia. 

    We are the free knowledge generation.

    [6] But what about land rights? native title?!

    [7] European descendants? Caucasian? I don’t know … hard to categorise.

    The 2000 Sydney Olympics is an iconic visualisation of this concept. Cathy Freeman celebrated her 400m gold medal with both the Aboriginal and Australian flags, despite it being a violation of the International Olympic Committee rules. Freeman’s pride and sense of belonging to the Aboriginal flag showcases how she wanted to be seen as a representative of not just the Australian country, but also a representative of her Indigenous nations [8].

    [8] When an athlete wins a gold medal, they are usually representing their country and their nation. But in this case, Freeman felt as if her nationhood was inconsistent with her country – highlighting the divide between our nations???

    The divide between the nations of Australia is not a new phenomenon. Horrific events [9] that have unfolded since the British invasion (“arrival”) of Australia in the 1780’s have been recognised far too late by the Australian public [10]. There has been a struggle to find reconciliation through the painfully slow acknowledgment that Australia has been inhabited by people [11] for over 60,000 years [12].

    [9] TASMANIAN GENOCIDE

    STOLEN GENERATION – Rudd’s Apology

    MASSACRES

    [10] Some are yet to be recognised! See historian debate Henry Reynolds v Keith Windschuttle.

    [11] Mabo Decision – overturning terra nullius.

    [12] According to the latest Western scientific studies. From the First Nations perspective, they have always been in Australia from time immemorial.

    Australia is the only Commonwealth country [13] that does not have a treaty with its indigenous population [14]. A treaty involves two distinct groups (the Australian government and First Nations peoples) forming a legal agreement. This is important because it would redefine and restructure the relationship between First Nations peoples and wider Australia – a step towards healing the divide between nations. However, the treaty approach has two key problems.

    [13] See CANZUS (Canada, Australia, New Zealand, US) states in particular.

    [14] Indigenous.

    First, it is a politically and socially advantageous stance for Australia to identify as a unified and reconciliated country [15]. Second, there are many First Nations in Australia which means it would be difficult to form any agreement within the bounds of the definition of a treaty. Bob Hawke promised to deliver a treaty by 1990. However, the controversial term “treaty” was soon changed to a ‘document of reconciliation’ or Makarrata (‘resumption of normal relations after a period of hostilities’). This terminology was preferred since ‘treaty’ was too divisive and usually describes agreements between countries rather than between nations [16,17,18].

    [15] Who are you?? Neneh Cherry??

    [16] Source.

    [17] Midnight Oil.

    [18] Woah the Power and the Passion!

    Since Hawke, advocacy to heal the divide has shifted focus to Constitutional recognition. The Uluru Statement from the Heart was produced in a summit meeting through consultation with First Nations Elders. It outlines the need for Constitutional reform, how the First Nations tribes were the first sovereign nations of the Australian continent and that their sovereignty has never been “ceded or extinguished”.

    Reconciliation through either a treaty or Constitutional recognition would affirm the idea that Australia is ‘one country, many nations’. Opponents to these reforms argue that we are stronger as one and that, to the greatest extent possible, the idea of our ‘country’ and our ‘nation’ should essentially mean the same thing. What would full representation of nationhood look like in modern Australian [19,20]?

    [19] Perhaps similar to China’s ‘one country, two systems’ model? Governance of Northern Territory?

    [20] Wack.

    This is a complicated question that requires analysis of all facets of society and relevant stakeholders. For example, to what extent should the criminal justice system formally recognise First Nations customary laws [21]? If a First Nations defendant will suffer a customary punishment for breaking the law (such as spear wounds to the thigh) [22], should the severity of their sentence in a criminal court be reduced? Sentence reductions and alternatives to custody can prevent cycles of disadvantage and perpetual marginalisation. However, express statutory recognition of customary punishment might create inconsistencies that undermine the rule of law [23]. Further, since each First Nation has its own form of customary punishment, the legal system would become difficult to regulate.

    [21] Law Reform (start page 85). Overview of criminal cases that have recognised customary law during sentencing.

    [22] R v Wilson Jagamara Walker [1994] NTSC 79 (see above).

    [23] Everyone is equal in the eye of the law. Everyone in Australia should be subject to the same laws, regardless of their ethnicity or race … right?

    Yet, First Nations peoples are proportionately the most incarcerated peoples in the world [24]. First Nations defendants often find themselves arrested for offences they might not have been aware of (for example, the offensive language provision in the Summary Offences Act 1988 (NSW) s 4A) [25]. This problem raises further questions such as whether Aboriginality should be used to show cause in bail applications or as a mitigating factor in sentencing.

    [24] Fact.

    [25] NB: police discretion and First Nations defendants.

    Full representation of nationhood through an official recognition of ‘one country, many nations’ may be too complicated and impossible to implement. However, partial representation (embedded within the current system of government) may offer practical approaches to heal the divides between nations. The Statement from the Heart reads;

    These dimensions of our crisis tell plainly the structural nature of our problem [26]. This is the torment of our powerlessness … When we have power over our destiny our children will flourish. They will walk in two worlds and their culture will be a gift to their country.

    [26] Sovereignty never ceded, land rights, over-incarceration, stolen generation.

    This is a vision of powerful and collaborative entities that make the land of the ‘fair go’ accessible to all. This ideal would be substantiated by a Voice in Parliament [27]. Although First Nations peoples comprise just 3.3% of Australia’s population [28], they should be included in the Parliamentary decision-making process [29,30].

    [27] Statement from the Heart argues this should be enshrined in the Constitution.

    [28] 2016 Census (includes other relevant demographic data).

    [29] First Nations peoples have been failed by the government multiple times.

    [30] Protection and assimilation policies from 1940s-60s and the 2007 Northern Territory Intervention.

    Ultimately, these visions must be realised through capacity building models that facilitate self-determination and substantive equality. First Nations peoples in Australia must have the choice to determine what their Voice in Parliament should look like, now and into the future. This represents the culmination of our agenda … the coming together after a struggle … Makarrata.

    This piece was entered in the St Andrew’s College Collaborative Writing Competition 2021.

    Editor’s Note: I usually avoid writing long editor’s notes. However, I feel that this piece requires some degree of explanation. First and most importantly, the authors and I would like to acknowledge the extensive contribution of our Artist-in-Residence Ms Amala Groom to this work. This piece was originally presented in the Collaborative Writing Competition as one of the entries. She commended the authors on their bravery to tackle such a complex issue and suggested that she work with them on editing the piece so that it may be published. Amala told me that the first edit contained numerous historical inaccuracies and errors written in first and then third person that together with the authors, she extensively track changed.

    After 4-5 hours giving the authors background and context to the topics, Amala suggested that the authors include the track changes in the actual published piece presenting it as a ‘work in progress’, not just because Makarrata is also a work in progress, but because even experts in this area do not have all of the answers. We are incredibly lucky to have someone of Amala’s expertise to assist the authors with this project and I would like to once again offer Amala my personal sincere thanks for her assistance with the piece and her judging role in the Collaborative Writing Competition. 

    As indicated in the standfirst, this is one of the most challenging reads that I have published on Drew’s News, if not the most challenging. But this is deliberately so. The issues raised in this article are not intended to be easy or digestible. The article is designed to challenge, to investigate and to interrogate the structures that underpin our society. This is not meant to be ‘nice’ or ‘pretty’ to read. 

    To this effect, you may notice that the piece sometimes strays from the Drew’s News Style Guide and/or typical journalistic conventions. Again, this is deliberate. The ‘footnotes’ aren’t at the end of sentences; they correspond to exact moments in the narrative. This is very important. Further, Malcolm is a proud Palawa man from Lutruwita (Tasmania) and this is his and Finn’s piece. I did not feel it was my place to make significant edits. What you see here reflects the intention of the authors. Take the time to read it carefully, to follow the arguments made and understand the critiques. I promise that it is well worth your time. 


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    Malcolm Ward

    Fr 2020

    B. Vet Biology / D. Vet Medicine

    212578448_1190646801403839_2286514145666234315_n.jpg

    Finn Ball

    Fr 2020

    B. Econ / B. Laws


    Image: Pexels

  • To Act or to Watch: An Ethical Discussion of the Victorian Assisted Dying Act

    To Act or to Watch: An Ethical Discussion of the Victorian Assisted Dying Act

    Dyone Bettega and Tom Carraro discuss the Victorian Assisted Dying Act and explore the ethical considerations which underpin the new legislation.

    On 19 June 2019, the voluntary euthanasia access scheme created by the Voluntary Assisted Dying Act 2017 (Vic) came into effect in Victoria. In passing these landmark laws, Victoria became the first state or territory in Australia to have laws permitting voluntary euthanasia. In mid 2021, a comparable legislative scheme in Western Australia will commence. The process for assessing the Victorian scheme is, by the very nature of the legislation’s subject matter, complicated and sensitive. However, the underlying question to discuss now is whether the Victorian laws meet contemporary ethical scrutiny?

    Before deciding whether the legislation does withstand proper ethical scrutiny, we need to identify the analytical framework against which it will be assessed. Beauchamp and Childress, in their book Principles of Biomedical Ethics, established a framework of four principles (Principlism) that are tailored to ethical decision making in bioethics. These principles have guided many of the unique clinical and research conundrums that have been raised through novel and ‘non-traditional’ advances in medicine. The four principles are: 

    • respect for autonomy (self-governance and moral independence);

    • nonmaleficence (do no harm); 

    • beneficence (do good); and 

    • justice (the fair distribution of resources). 

    Autonomy has established itself as a core principle of ethics over the last 40 years. Autonomy is described as self-governance in which an individual can take ownership of their decisions based on their values and conception of what is good for themself. On one view, euthanasia promotes autonomy and self-governance because the terminally ill can die on their own terms and be in full control over what their final lived experience will be. On the other hand, a persistent scepticism of euthanasia is whether the individual’s decision is a true and enduring reflection of their wishes. Have they truly thought through this decision or are they just grappling with the desperation that comes with being a victim of such terrible circumstances and can’t see a way forward? 

    In other words, is the individual so ill and debilitated that their autonomy has been stripped from them by their condition and their decision rendered irrational? To safeguard against the possibility of irrational or briefly considered decision making, assessments of the person by independent medical practitioners are sometimes undertaken. Whilst in one sense, this process achieves that aim, in another sense it undermines the aim because those medical assessments are a precondition to someone exercising autonomy over their life. 

    These are difficult questions to answer both ethically and medically and will often lie on the murky border between the clear answers. 

    One of the most complicated issues of euthanasia in the public healthcare context is determining the outer limits of the responsibilities of those involved in an assisted death (both the medical practitioner and the patient). The principle of nonmaleficence, the idea that in making decisions you should choose the option that does no harm to others, can provide a helpful starting point in attempting to resolve this issue. 

    However, ‘harm’ in a bioethical context can take on a few different meanings. It can be defined as damage to an individual’s interests or damage that has been wrongfully inflicted. On either interpretation, there are instances where death does not cause the individual harm because they will be more comfortable when compared to staying alive. However, in prohibiting euthanasia for the individual who requests it, harm can befall them as damage to their interests as well as physical damage experienced through prolonged pain and discomfort. 

    With regard to the medical practitioner, is their role in seeing the patient though the process of acquiring a ‘voluntary assisted dying permit’ (a requirement in the Voluntary Assisted Dying Act) an example of passive or active euthanasia. In other words, is this an act or an omission? Is this killing or letting die? 

    The complement of nonmaleficence, beneficence, is a vital foundational principle of medicine that requires one to ‘do good’. In the context of euthanasia, beneficence requires medical practitioners to promote the well-being of individuals. Does this then mean that in order to satisfy the principle of beneficence, practitioners must (a) preserve life no matter what the cost (thus removing euthanasia as a viable ethical option) or (b) respect the patient’s autonomy? Both of these options ‘do good’ however medical practitioners in Victoria must elect to join this scheme thus ensuring a medical practitioners own beneficence is observed. 

    As we have delved deeper into the duty of a medical practitioner, the ethical permissibility of euthanasia becomes far more circumstantial and reflective of medical situations that require a thorough assessment and balance between patient requests and treatment options available. The Victorian Assisted Dying Act has included this consideration in its eligibility requirements. By including a maximum 6-month time period in which an individual’s terminal disease is expected to cause death, the Victorian State Government has balanced the time in which the medical practitioner can strive to preserve life with the patient’s own autonomous desires if they choose euthanasia. 

    In addition to moral concerns involving euthanasia, the final of Beauchamp and Childress’ principles explores justice. One interpretation of justice is that a society is just when burdens and benefits are distributed fairly.  In examination of previous laws against euthanasia, many people consider it unjust that a patient who is in pain is denied the chance for an easy death and is made to suffer longer because of legal constraints. Laws prohibiting euthanasia can be viewed as unjust to family members, who must endure a longer period of emotional and financial strain, and to medical practitioners, who may see relieving the patient’s pain as a primary duty that they are being kept from performing. The opposition to this is that this access must be tightly controlled as circumstances in which to permit euthanasia must be carefully examined by a psychologist and cross-checked with a doctor or specialist (a requirement in the Voluntary Assisted Dying Act),to ensure that any end-of-life decision is safeguarded and approached with the utmost care and respect to ensure they understand the finality of their decision. It is also imperative that everyone that qualifies for euthanasia can access it in a caring and safe environment.

    While euthanasia is a highly contentious issue, the Victorian Voluntary Assisted Dying Act has developed a process to try and ensure a consistent and rigorous ethical framework is upheld in making such an important decision. The process which has many safeguards in order to try and protect patients and practitioners alike, strives to ensure that euthanasia is safe and the patient only does it if they want to, the latter ensuring autonomy. 

    The process requires two medical practitioners to answer the following question: “Is the pain caused by an affliction causing a patient suffering such that it cannot be relieved in a manner that the person considers tolerable?”. If the answer is yes from two independent doctors, the patient is permitted to access the scheme. This ensures that both nonmaleficence and beneficence are considered in the process. 

    The interesting anomaly comes when one examines the scope of the legislation. It is heartening to see that both urban and rural receive equitable distribution of the scheme, with 37% of the medical practitioners trained originating from regional Victoria correlating with the 38% of patients utilising the scheme.

    Similarly, over the initial 12 months of the scheme a 50% increase in medical practitioners being trained in the process was observed ensuring that the increase in trained medical professionals has promoted a just distribution of resources because it has widened the reach of these euthanasia laws and the number of patients who can access it.  

    Overall, due to the many different opinions derived from the myriad of cultures and consciences of our ever-growing society, it is almost certain that we will never agree on this issue. However, euthanasia accessed through the Victorian Assisted Dying Act should be an option for those who wish to utilise it, but it should remain tightly controlled to ensure those who access it, undeniably require it. 

    This piece was entered in the St Andrew’s College Collaborative Writing Competition 2021.



    Image: Pexels